Somaliland: khilaafyo tiro badan oo khalkhal galin kara amaanka iyo xasiloonidda

Waxa iska soo tarayay todobaadyadan ugu dambeeyay Somaliland xaaladdo murugsan oo ay sababeen khilaafyo farabadan oo oo ka soo burqanaya jihooyin kala duwan , khilaafyadaas oo saameyn ku yeelan kara aminigii iyo xasilooniddii ay Somaliland kaga duwanayd gobollo badan oo ka tirsan dalweynahii la isku odhan jiray Soomaaliya. Khilaafaadkan waxa loo kala qaadi kaara qaar ka dhexeeye xukuumadda iyo hayaddaha kale ee dawliga ah, gaar ahaan baarlamaanka ; qaar u dhaxeeya xukuumadda iyo saxaafadda gaarka loo leeyahay iyo qaar u dhaxeeya beelaha ku wada dhaqan Somaliland oo sababay colaado sokeeye oo dad badani ku naf waayeen.

Khilaafaadka xukuumadda iyo baarlamaanka

khilaafaadka iyo isla jaan qaadi la’aanta ka dhextaagan baarlamaanka iyo xukuumadda Somaliland ma aha kuwo maanta bilowday, balse waxa uu soo taagnaa ilaa iyo xiligii nidaamka doorsahadda lagu soo doortay xubnaha kuraasta ku fadhiya hada ee baarlamaanka, kuwaas oo bedelay baarlamaan beleedkii ka horeeyey. Horaantiiba baarlamaanka iyo xukuumaddu waxa ay isku qabsadeen, buuq aad u badanina ka dhashay doorashada shirgudoonka cusub ee baarlamaanka. Tani waxa ay ku dhaamatay markii dambe in ay shirgudoonka ku guulaystaan xisbiyada mucaaradka ee UCID iyo Kulmiye oo isu bahaystay si u yeeshaan shirgudoonka. Waxa mar kale khilaaf soo kale dhexgalay xukuumadda iyo barlaamanka markii ay mudanayaashu diideen in ay ansixiyaan miisanayidii sanadkii hore ee xukuumadda, iyaga oo dalbanayay in ay xukuumaddu wax ka soo badasho qodobo ku jiray odoroska miisaaniyada, balse ay markii dambe golahu si duuduub iyo xaal mastuur ah isu dhaafiyeen. Tani waxa ay durba shaki ku riday dad badan oo rajo weyn ka qabay in baarlamaankani uu ka duwanaan doono kii ka horeeyay, iyadda oo ay arrinta miisaaniyadduna tijaaboba u ahayd qaabka ay u shaqeyn doonaan baarlamaankan doorshada ku yimi mudooyinka soo socda.

Arrinta kale ee abuurtay khilaaf soo kala dhex gala baarlamaanka iyo xukuumadda waxa ay ahayd markii Amina Weris oo ah marwadda gudoomiyaha xisbiga mucaaradka ah ee Kulmiye la sheegay in shaqo ay ka heshay hayadda CARE International xukuumadu is hortaagtay. Iyaga oo daba socda arrintan ayay baarlamaanku waxa ay soo saareen mooshin lagu dalbanayo in Aamina Weris shaqada si degdeg ah loogu celiyo, mooshinkaas oo ay ku gacmo saydhay xukuuumadu iyada oo ku eedaysay baarlamaanka cusub in uu kala garan waayay shaqadiisa iyo shaqada xukuumadda.

Dhawaan waxa sidoo kale golaha baarlamaanku uu dib ugu celiyay xukuumadda xisaab celintii miisaaniyad sanadeedkii 2005, taas oo baarlamanku sheegay in ay ka maqan tahay xisaab celintaa lacago badan oo ay ahayd in lagu soo daro. Ayaamo yar uun ka dib arrintan ayaa waxa hadana baarlamaanku ku gacan saydhay in ay ansixiyaan xubnaha gudidda doorashooyinka ee cusub, xubnahan oo badali doona xubanahii hore ee waqtigoodii dhamaaday. Baarlamaanku waxa ay dib ugu celiyeen xukuumada xubnahaasi, si ay u soo dhamaystirto xukuumaddu liiska oo uu ka maqnaa xubintii ay magacaabi lahaayeen xisbiga mucaaradka ah ee Kulmiye, oo aan isagu u gudbin xukuumadda magaca xubinkaas.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, iyada oo aanay xukuumaddu wax jawaab ah weli ka bixin arrintan ayaa waxa golaha la keenay mooshin cusub oo laba sanno loogu kordhinayo xubnahii hore ee guddidda doorashooyinka ee waqtigoodu dhamaaday, mooshinkaas oo baarlamaanku si buuxda u ansixiyay. Tani waxa ay khilaaf hor leh soo kala dhex galisay xukuumadda iyo baarlamaanka.

Hadaba khilaafyadan is daba jooga ah ee ka dhexeeya xukuumadda iyo baarlaamaanku waxa sababa ugu horeynba aqaan daro la xidhiidha dhanka maamulka dawliga ah iyo wada shaqeynta golayaasha dawladda oo saameysa labada dhinacba. Waxa kale oo sababa khilaafyadan had iyo jeer siyaasaddo daaha dabadiisa laga hago , siyaasaddahaas oo sal ku leh dano qabali ah iyo ku jiq sii ka soo burqata dhanka xisbiyadda ay ka kala tirsan yihiin mudanayaashu, kuwaas oo loo aaneeyo hab dhaqanka sharci ka boodka ah ee baraalmanku ku kaco mararka qaar.

Dhanka xukuumadda ayaa iyaduna mararka qaar isku dayda in ay baarlaamaanka ku duduucdo arrimo lagu muran sanyahay ama si toos ahba isu hor taagta soo jeedimo sharci ah oo kasoo baxa golaha baarlaamaanka, mararka qaarna kuba bixisa lacagaha dadku ugu yeedhaan ‘dhaameelka’ si ay u fushato arrimahaas.

Khilaafka xukuumadda iyo Haatuf media group

Waxa khilaaf sidoo kale ka dhex oogmay dhawaanahan mid ka mid ah saxaafadda gaarka loo leeyahay iyo xukuumadda. Khilaafkan waxa sababay qoraalo si xidhiidhsan in mudo ahba ugu soo baxay jariidada Haatuf ee ka soo baxda Harageysa, oo diiradda lagu saarayay musuqmaasuq farabadan oo lagu xidhiidhinayo xukuumadda Somaliland iyo gaar ahaan qoyska madaxtooyadda. Qoraaladdani waxa ay sababeen in muddo ku dhow laba bilood ay jeelka ugu xidhnaadaan mulkiilahii Haatuf iyo laba qof oo ka tirsan shaqaalahiisa.

Waa arrin iska macruuf ilaa heerka uu musumaasuqu ragaadiyay dhaqaalaha kooban ee Somaliland iyo sida uu ugu baahay dhamaan goobaha maamul ee xukuumadda . Dhanka kale, musuqmaasuqu ma aha mid la kowsaday xukuumadda talada haysa ee maanta, oo ay hada uun daahfureen suxufiyiinta Haatuf . Runtii, dad badani waxa ay kuba xidhiidhiyaan musuqmaasuqa ku baahay dalka hab dhaqanka ismaamul ee Somaliland qaadatay , kaas isku badhxay nidaamaka ismaamul ee casriga ah iyo ka dhaqanka Soomaalida ee qabaliga ku salaysan, oo isagu la sheego in uu dhiiri galiyo musuqmaasuqa.

Arrinta la is waydiin karaa waxay tahay sababta keentay xiligan in si aad ah loo buun buuniyo, loona soo faqo musuqmaasuq lagu eedayno maamulka madaxweyne Riyaale. Waxa in badan arrintaas jawaabteedu ku soo urruraysaa loolanka awooda ee sii xoogaysanaya ee u dhaxeeya xisbiyadda mucaaraddka iyo xukuumadda , iyadda oo xisbiyadda mucaardaka ahi ay si dadban ugu adeegsadaan saxaafadda odorosyadooda siyaasadeed, taas oo mararka qaar saxaafadu ku lumiso dhex dhexaadnimadeeda. Loolankan awooda ee u dhaxeeya xukuumadda iyo xisbiyadda mucaaradka ahi waxa uu marayaa heer la odhan karo waxa uu saameyn ku yeelan karaa xasiloonida iyo amaanka Somaliland, iyada oo ay meesha ka baxday xidhiidhkii wada shaqeyneed ee asxaabta iyo xukuumaddu.

Sida xaqiiqadu tahay in badan oo ka mid ah shaqsiyaadka sida aadka ah ugu eedeeya xukuumadda musuqmaasuqu waxa ay ka mid ahaayeen maamuladdii Somaliland soo maray, mana aha kuwo dibada ka joogay musuqmaasuqa ay hada ku eedeeyaan maamulka talada haya. Tani hadana u cudurdaarimayso musuqmaasuqu aadka ugu baahay xukuumadda talada haysa ee Somaliland.

Khilaafka Haatuf iyo xukuumadda waxa sidoo kale ku kale qaybsantay beesha uu ka soo jeedo mulkiilaha Haatuf, iyada oo qayb ka mid ah beeshaasi ay xaalka ka bixisay eedaymaha musuqmaasuq ee ay jariidadu ku xidhiidhisay qoyska madaxtooyadda , halka qayb kalena ay ku gacan saydhay isla xaalkaas.

Khilaafyo sababay colaado oo ku soo badanaya Somaliland

Todobaadaydii ugu danbeeyay waxa sidoo kale iska soo daba dhacayay wararka dhiiloda ah oo ku saabsan colaado iyo dagaalo ka oogmay gudaha jamhuuriyadda Somaliland, colaadahaas oo intooda badan la sheego in ay salka ku hayaan aanooyin qabiil iyo khilaafaad ku salaysan lahaanshaha deegaamo. Dagaaladaas oo ka kala dhacay gobolka Sool , Saaxil iyo kililka 5naad ee Itoobiya ayaa waxa ugu khatar badnaa ka ka dhacday deegaanadda Daroor ee kililka shanaad ee Itoobiya ,ee u dhaxeeyey beelaha Garxajis ee wada dega deegaanadaas.

Colaadan Daroor iyo deegaaandda u dhow ayaa waxa ay sababtay dhimasho iyo dhaawac aad u fara badan oo hafiyay cusbitaaladda magaalooyinka Burco iyo Hargeysa. Beelaha ku dagaalamaya deegaanka Daroor ayaa waxa sidoo kale ay wada degaan gudaha Somaliland, taas oo keeni karta khatarta ah in uu ku soo faafo dagaalku gudaha magaalooyinka waaweyn ee Somaliland.

Dagaalka todobaakan ugu dambeeyey ka soo cusboonaaday jiidaasi waxa uu salka ku hayaa kuwo kale oo ka dhacay deeganadaasi badhtamahii sannadkii hore.Dagaaladaas oo demintiooda ay ka qayb qateen ergeeyinkii uga badnaa ee goob colaaddeed isugu yimaada ilaa inta la og yahay taariikhda deegnaadan ayaa waxa ay ka kala yimaadeen dhamaan goboladda Somaliland, iyo weliba kililka shanaad ee Itoobiya. Ergooyinkaasi waxa ay ku guulaysteen in ay joojiyaan xabadda , heshiisna dhexdhigaan beelaha ku daagalamay deegaankaas. Hasayeeshee waxa ay dad badani sheegaan in aanay ergooyinkaasi wax daba socod ah ku samayn sidii loo dhamaystiri lahaa go’aanadii heshiis ee laga gaadhay colaada ka oogantay jiidaas.

Dagaalkan ugu dambeeyay ayaa waxa uu ahaa mid aad uga xoog badan kuwii dhacay badhtamahii sanadkii hore, dhowr goorna iska soo daba noqnoqday. Dagaalkani waxa uu sabababay dhimasho iyo dhaawac aad u badan, iyadda oo ay hadana mar labaad ay u soo gurmadeen ergooyin ka badan kuwii hore u tagay jiidaas, sanadkii hore. Waxa sidoo kale imika la kala dhex dhigay dhinacyadda dagaalamaya ciidamo ka yimi kililka shanaad ee Itoobiya.

Waxa ay dadbadani is waydiinayaan goorta ay heerkan aadka u xun gaadhay colaada u dhexaysa labadan beelood oo iyagu xulufo iyo ood wadaag ba ahaa mudo aad u dheer dhanka Itoobiya iyo Somaliland-ba, horena aanay u dhex ool wax aano ah iyo arrimo kale oo ay isku khilaafsanaayeen. Tani waxa ay keentay shakiga ah in meesha ay ku jiraan arrimo siyaasadeed oo aan weli guntooda la gaadhin, arrimahaas oo ay ka shidaal qaadanayso colaada hada ka dhex oogan labadaas beelood ee ood wadaagta ah.

Gebogebadii, khilaafyaddan ku soo siyaadaya gudaha Somaliland hadii aan loo maarayn si taxadir badani ku jiro waxa ay hubaashii khalkhal wayn gelin karaan amaanka iyo xasiloonidda Somaliland ee aan lugaha sidaas aan u sii buurayn ku tukubaysa.

The consequences of Ethiopian armed intervention in Somalia

As usual southern Somalia continues to be caught in the cyclical violence and lawlessness that has been associated with that part of the country for the past 16 years. The recent insertion of foreign armies into the Somali domestic political crises, however, added another dangerous dimension to the violence. The Ethiopia army, in cahoots with the US, invaded Somalia, to dislodge Islamic Courts Union from the areas that they controlled for six months in the South.

The Islamic courts controlled large swathes of Southern Somalia, after they had expelled the militias of the rival warlords from Mogadishu and the surrounding regions. These warlords were responsible for much of the lawlessness that prevailed in the south for the last decade and half.

The Ethiopians, allegedly ‘invited’ by the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and bankrolled by the Americans, routed the Union of Islamic Courts militias from the areas they controlled in the South. In few days’ time, Islamic Courts militia fled into the jungles of Ras Camponi, near the Somali border with Kenya. Ethiopian tanks rolling in the streets of Mogadishu were quite a sight for many Somalis who considered Ethiopia as their ‘enemy’ in the Horn.

Ethiopia and Somalia had very destructive relations since the independence of latter in 1960. The two states fought two bloody wars over the Somali inhabited Ogaden region in Ethiopia. The Somali state claimed that the Ogaden was part of greater Somalia and there existed an atmosphere of hostility between the two countries. In addition, the Ethiopians were considered by many Somalis as denying the right of self-determination to the people in the Ogaden.

The Ethiopians have also been playing a very Machiavellian role in Somalia since the implosion of the latter in 1991. The Ethiopians, time and again, sided with political groups of whatever bent who opposed the emergence of any form of centralized rule in Somalia. This has been in line with Ethiopia’s national interests as viewed by the present rulers of that country. The terrible experience that they had at the hands of the Somali state at its peak must have worried the Ethiopians about the nature of central government that would finally emerge in the territory if its ‘irredentist’ neighbor in the east. In pursuit of this agenda, the Ethiopians always found willing Somali partners, who usually had their own domestic agendas in the country.

The Americans, on their part, had good relations with the military regime of Barre before its demise in 1991. They had military bases in Somalia in service of their global rivalry with the Soviets, who were also anchored in neighboring Ethiopia at the time. The Americans left when the military regime fell and the country started to disintegrate into fiefdoms ruled over by rival warlords. The Americans come back two years later at the head of massive humanitarian mission, to facilitate ‘food delivery’ to the starving Somalis affected by the civil war.

The Americans had serious confrontation with one of the local warlords in Mogadishu and in a bungled mission to capture him, 13 American rangers were killed. Following incident, the Americans left Somalia to itself and ignored the terrible civil strife that the country descended into. The terrorist bombings of American embassies in east Africa once again renewed American interest in the country. The Americans suspected that some of the operatives behind the attacks were sheltering in the lawless country.

The Americans established unholy alliances with the local warlords in the country, to hunt the Al Qa’eda operatives allegedly hiding in the country. In an attempt to formalize their relations and milk more funds from the Americans, a group of warlords created an anti-terrorism coalition in Somalia in early last year. The consequences of that coalition and the massive upheaval it precipitated in the form of the Islamic Courts revolution and the Ethiopian/US intervention in the country need not be recounted here.

At this juncture, we may ask ourselves what are or will be the consequences of Ethiopian intervention in Somalia, given the fact that Ethiopia, unlike the United States, is located within the same sub-region with Somalia, and that Ethiopia shares a long disputed border with the former. To address these issues, let’s divide them on their external and internal dimensions.

The external consequences of the armed intervention

Externally, Ethiopia seems to have set a precedent of ‘preventive war’ in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia crossed the border of an internationally recognized state on the pretext that it posed a threat, perceived or real notwithstanding, to its peace and security. Never before has a state in the Horn so brazenly invaded another on the basis of ‘perceived’ future threat to its security. This has been an anomaly even by the standards of the tortured state relations in the Horn, where there abounds plenty of grounds for inter-state wars in the sub-region.

Given the dynamic political situation in the Horn, the Ethiopian state will not be insulated in the future from a ‘preventative war’ agianst it from one or collective of its neighboring states .

Ethiopia also worsens its cozy, albeit unidirectional, relations with Somaliland as they continue to prop up President Yussuf’s TFG in Somalia. Pres. Yussuf comes from the rival Puntland region, which claims parts of Sool and Sanaag regions that fall within the borders of former British Somaliland Protectorate and the current borders of the unrecognized state of Somaliland. President Yussuf also claims that he is the legitimate president of all Somalia, including Somaliland. This incenses the government of Somaliland, and there is already a wave of discontent with the behavior of the Ethiopians in Somalia.

The government of Somaliland naively believed that they are next to no one when it comes to its relations with Ethiopia. But the recent developments in Somalia and Ethiopia’s role in it was a rude awakening for them.

The internal consequences of the armed intervention

Internally, the Ethiopians took a shot at the dream of ‘greater Somalia’. By occupying the capital of its long term enemy, Mogadishu, and bombing its international airport with impunity, the Ethiopians rode a rough shod over Somali nationalism in general, and the dream of ‘greater Somalia’ in the future, in particular.

The Ethiopian armed intervention also ‘imposed’ on Somalia the rule of a potential tyrant who was dreaming to rule the country for more than a generation. Thanks to the Ethiopians, Yussuf’s dream seems to have been finally realized. But this is not the end of the story.

Many people from Mogadishu belief that their rival Puntlanders came on the back of Somalia’s traditional ‘enemy’, Ethiopia, to rule over them. These inhabitants are bent on resisting that rule at any costs. This will have a serous repercussion on future co-existence and the peaceful interaction betweeen these groups in the South. The recent incident in Guriceel bears witness to this development.

The dispersed operatives of the Islamic Courts union, some of them lying low in the capital, have also started to introduce into the country an Iraqi-like resistance tactics, to fight Ethiopian troops and those of the ‘TFG’ in the capital. This development will be further encouraged by the reluctance of the African states to contribute troops to support the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia.

Conclusions:

The recent Ethiopian armed intervention in Somalia had serious consequences for the future of Somalia. The armed intervention disturbed the balance of power of various tribal groups in the country and poisoned the peaceful co- existence of these groups in the future.

It worsened the suspicions and age old enemity between the peoples of Ethiopia and Somalia. It also strengthened the trend of opportunistic wars alternating between the two neighboring states of Somalia and Ethiopia.

Lastly, the Ethiopian armed intervention imported into the sub region the US made doctrine of ‘preventive war’. This will add to the poisoned atmosphere and the tortured states relations in the Horn, and will further destabilize the region.