I have read Mr. Mohamed Hassan Qaraami’s long article posted on Somalilandnet.com, on Sep 11,2002, which discussed about president Riyaale’s foreign policy. This article will probably serve to enlighten a significant number of people, albeit in a distorted way, about the current foreign relations of the country.
I would like to shed some light on several points that I found wanting and that Mr. Qaraami did not think out adequately.
The first point is the notion that Somaliland has the right to be recognized by the international community. Ab initio, no state is obliged to recognize another in international law. In other words, no state enjoys the right to be recognized by the other states in the system. Rather, states themselves reserve the right whether to recognize a new state or not. Furthermore, it is always political considerations, rather than legal justifications, that play a larger role in the decision whether to grant recognition to a given state.
Another point, which is directly related to the above and which I found interesting, is the assertion that Somaliland is hiring international lawyers to take the UN into court for not, ostensibly, recognizing Somaliland. This is absurd and unrealistic. If Somaliland manages to achieve that, I bet, it will set a unique historical precedent in international law and international relations.
Thirdly, the notion that the republic of Djibouti opposes Somaliland and works towards its destruction because of 'economic rivalry', between the two countries vis-à-vis Ethiopian trade relations, is simplistic at best and misleading at worst. Djibouti is the shortest gateway of Ethiopian goods to the sea, which Somaliland is not, and Djibouti has a long railway link with Ethiopia, which Somaliland has not. Thus in economic terms, Ethiopia's preferences should be as clear as crystal.
Besides, if Ethiopia feels to diversify its access points to the sea, to break away from any possible Djiboutian monopoly on its goods, it could do so by striking agreements with Kenya for the use of Mombassa port, with Sudan for the use of Port Sudan, with Eritrea for the use of Assab and Mussawa ports, all three states having recognized governments, and all competing with a possible Ethiopian use of Berbera port. Does it follow then that the republic of Djibouti will have to work for the destruction of all these countries because they could compete with Djibouti for servicing Ethiopian goods?
Still, if strong and unified state of Somalia emerges, which incidentally the republic of Djibouti campaigns for, will there be any obstacles preventing the said state from granting Ethiopia the use of Berbera port? Not at all. Therefore, we have to find other explanations other than the deterministic single-factor analysis of 'economic rivalry' for dooming the state of relations between the two countries.
Fourthly, I do not agree with the notion that president Riyaale's trip to Djibouti did not serve the interest of the country.
In international relations, states are neither permanent enemies nor permanent friends. Furthermore, the fact that two states are not in good terms does not preclude them from talking to each other. Look at the current situation between the two Koreas, the Palestinians and Israelis, the Indians and the Pakistanis.... All those sets of states regard each other as enemies, but they keep on interacting diplomatically, to reach mutual common grounds.
Now, how about Somaliland, which is not recognized by a single state in the international community? Can it afford to isolate itself from the countries of the sub-region? How can it expect to secure international recognition while it cannot establish workable relations with its neighbors?
Somaliland should not only go to the Republic of Djibouti, but it should also go to the Sudan, to Eritrea, to Uganda and to Kenya. Let us be realistic. Do we have to confine ourselves to the one-directional security-oriented relations with Ethiopia? What tangible benefits accrued to us from our long love relationship with Ethiopia? Not that much, I suspect.
And finally, in one paragraph of his paper, Mr. Qaraami decried President Riyaale holding a secret meeting with President Ismail Omar Ghelle, with no one else attending the meeting. I wonder if there is anything in the constitution of the country that prevents him from doing so? Since when did we start suspecting about his motives, after all this was his first trip abroad as the President of Somaliland? Whom did Qaraami feel to have attended the said meeting with the president? The two ministers that he presented in another part of his paper as untrustworthy? Or you and I, perhaps?
I would like to shed some light on several points that I found wanting and that Mr. Qaraami did not think out adequately.
The first point is the notion that Somaliland has the right to be recognized by the international community. Ab initio, no state is obliged to recognize another in international law. In other words, no state enjoys the right to be recognized by the other states in the system. Rather, states themselves reserve the right whether to recognize a new state or not. Furthermore, it is always political considerations, rather than legal justifications, that play a larger role in the decision whether to grant recognition to a given state.
Another point, which is directly related to the above and which I found interesting, is the assertion that Somaliland is hiring international lawyers to take the UN into court for not, ostensibly, recognizing Somaliland. This is absurd and unrealistic. If Somaliland manages to achieve that, I bet, it will set a unique historical precedent in international law and international relations.
Thirdly, the notion that the republic of Djibouti opposes Somaliland and works towards its destruction because of 'economic rivalry', between the two countries vis-à-vis Ethiopian trade relations, is simplistic at best and misleading at worst. Djibouti is the shortest gateway of Ethiopian goods to the sea, which Somaliland is not, and Djibouti has a long railway link with Ethiopia, which Somaliland has not. Thus in economic terms, Ethiopia's preferences should be as clear as crystal.
Besides, if Ethiopia feels to diversify its access points to the sea, to break away from any possible Djiboutian monopoly on its goods, it could do so by striking agreements with Kenya for the use of Mombassa port, with Sudan for the use of Port Sudan, with Eritrea for the use of Assab and Mussawa ports, all three states having recognized governments, and all competing with a possible Ethiopian use of Berbera port. Does it follow then that the republic of Djibouti will have to work for the destruction of all these countries because they could compete with Djibouti for servicing Ethiopian goods?
Still, if strong and unified state of Somalia emerges, which incidentally the republic of Djibouti campaigns for, will there be any obstacles preventing the said state from granting Ethiopia the use of Berbera port? Not at all. Therefore, we have to find other explanations other than the deterministic single-factor analysis of 'economic rivalry' for dooming the state of relations between the two countries.
Fourthly, I do not agree with the notion that president Riyaale's trip to Djibouti did not serve the interest of the country.
In international relations, states are neither permanent enemies nor permanent friends. Furthermore, the fact that two states are not in good terms does not preclude them from talking to each other. Look at the current situation between the two Koreas, the Palestinians and Israelis, the Indians and the Pakistanis.... All those sets of states regard each other as enemies, but they keep on interacting diplomatically, to reach mutual common grounds.
Now, how about Somaliland, which is not recognized by a single state in the international community? Can it afford to isolate itself from the countries of the sub-region? How can it expect to secure international recognition while it cannot establish workable relations with its neighbors?
Somaliland should not only go to the Republic of Djibouti, but it should also go to the Sudan, to Eritrea, to Uganda and to Kenya. Let us be realistic. Do we have to confine ourselves to the one-directional security-oriented relations with Ethiopia? What tangible benefits accrued to us from our long love relationship with Ethiopia? Not that much, I suspect.
And finally, in one paragraph of his paper, Mr. Qaraami decried President Riyaale holding a secret meeting with President Ismail Omar Ghelle, with no one else attending the meeting. I wonder if there is anything in the constitution of the country that prevents him from doing so? Since when did we start suspecting about his motives, after all this was his first trip abroad as the President of Somaliland? Whom did Qaraami feel to have attended the said meeting with the president? The two ministers that he presented in another part of his paper as untrustworthy? Or you and I, perhaps?
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